Here you go, Mom- the Maya paper you've been wanting me to post up. =)
Classic Period Maya HouseholdsAlthough not complete or perfect, researchers have been able to piece together an understanding of Classic period Maya (300- 900 A.D.) households through their findings at archaeological digs coupled with studies of contemporary Maya. To many present-day U.S. citizens, these ancient households may seem strange. The structure of the Classic Maya household and its members; the number, size and function of buildings; the focus on outdoor living; and even the length of occupation of the homes are just some of the items that differentiate Classic period Maya life from our modern-day life in the U.S. However, these living conditions made sense when put in context of Maya life.
Unlike our single-family units that Northern Americans call home, Classic period Maya households were filled with extended family of mixed lineages which shared the responsibilities of both economic health for the household as well as the daily chores that were to be carried out. One reason that explains this style of living was that it was conducive to the common way of life, which centered on agriculture. Since sowing and harvesting crops is a labor-intensive activity, having a large pool of people to help out made these processes much more efficient. Another reason could be that living in such a manner increased kinship bonds, which was very important among the Maya, as kinship was “the symbol of rank and importance” (McKillop 157).
It should be mentioned that this view has been challenged by findings at Ceren, a Classic period Maya village that was kept well-preserved by volcanic ash. Here, researchers have reason to believe that households were made up of nuclear family units much like those found in our country today (Paine). These findings are not concrete and may simply be situational or circumstantial; as yet they have not lead to dismissal of the idea of the Maya extended family household. Figures found in sixteenth century censuses of two Maya towns taken by the invading Spaniards seem to support the theory of extended family households at the time the census was taken (Haviland 137). Even though these census records were taken after the Classic period had concluded, the tradition of this lifestyle probably had been the norm during the Classic period as lifestyles tend to stay the same for many generations if no dramatic influence is felt.
Residing in these extended family households were different generations of the family as well as members of other lineages. Marriage between the same two families took place throughout the generations to increase kinship bonds and alliances. Marriage was often preformed in a “bi-lateral cross-cousin system” between cousins that carried different last names (Hage 6). In many cases, family names were passed through the patrilineal line; sons would marry cousins from their paternal aunt’s family and daughters would marry cousins from their maternal uncle’s family (Paine). After marriage, and dependent upon the individual societies within the larger Maya context, daughters would move in with their husband’s household or vice versa. This decision was based either on the society’s tradition, or as was the case with the Chorti, dependent upon the family’s economic situation (Paine).
Traditionally the eldest male was the leader of the household group; this responsibility would typically be inherited by his eldest son upon his passing (regardless of whoever was the eldest male in the group at that time). The leader of the household made the decision of when to build new structures to accommodate growth within the household. The members of the household “often [resided] in multi-dwelling compounds on or near their jointly held farmland...” (Gillespie 469). Although the buildings in these compounds were built and “owned” communally, it was the individual family that lived in them. When households grew too large to be reasonably accommodated, it appears that fissions between the members would occur and the family would take leave of the household group, dividing up the common property as they did so (Gillespie 469).
These compounds, or living areas, in which these families resided are referenced to as plazuelas, plaza groups, or residential groups, and were the basic household unit of the Maya. The layout of the multi-structured plazuela featured several buildings which fronted a central plaza area. Generally, four to six structures would line the sides of the plaza; however, the number varied from place to place. Usually these structures were raised by the aid of stone platforms or mounded (McKillop 157). These platforms may be left bare, with the stone and/or earth showing, or plastered over, as is the case in Ceren and at wealthier households. The roofs and walls were built using poles and thatching, although this also varied in places. The buildings were located in alignment with the cardinal directions, and their openings often faced the plaza area (Chase 139).
In excavations from the city of Ceren, we see some slight variations on building technique. In addition to the plastered platforms previously mentioned, other differences include mud brick walls, separate roof construction, and overhanging roof lines. The walls mud brick walls were connected by large pillars of the same material. These pillars held the majority of the weight of the roof. The pillars and walls were plastered over and made straight. The roof, of typical pole and thatch construction, was constructed separately from the house, and moved as one piece onto the house. However, the fitting of the roof is what makes it somewhat remarkable; gaps were left between the roofline and the top of the walls. This innovative technique allowed for ventilation of the indoor spaces. In addition to these techniques, Ceren citizens built their roofs so they would extend out from the structure by a few feet. This allowed shade from sun and protection from rain when needed (Paine).
The sizes of the plazuela structures in the Classic Maya world were not large. In fact, most buildings consisted of a single room which measured no more than 10x12 feet. Some structures consisted of more than one room; however, these rooms were small, usually only large enough to sleep in (Paine).
Much like the rooms of modern-day houses, the buildings that made up the plazuela functioned in different ways. Among other uses, some structures served as storage units, others for sleeping, cooking, religious worship and burials (Sheets). Structures used for sleeping also doubled as a place to greet visitors, with sleeping benches also used as a sitting area. These wooden benches would take up the majority of the room. Separate from the living quarters, a kitchen structure was placed at a distance to keep pests at bay. The kitchen structure was generally more informally built in comparison to structures in the living area (Paine). Structures which centered on religious worship were often built in plazuelas hosting wealthier families. In this area, shrines were set up and select members of the family’s dead were buried. Even in the poorer versions of plazuelas, researchers have found burial areas for the household’s dead, usually along the back walls of homes (Chase 140-41, McKillop 159, Paine). Many times, these burial areas were used for several deceased persons (Hammond 68).
From the size of the building structures and by looking at modern-day Maya living, it is believed that most of daily life during the Classic period was carried out in the outdoors (Inomata 436). This is because better lighting was available out in the open; also a consideration was the climate, which would make being indoors uncomfortable during the heat of the day. The central plaza (or, as in Ceren, the eaves of the roof) would have been the ideal place to carry out the day’s work (Paine).
In contrast with many North American households, which divide up and move as children grow or new jobs are found, the Classic period Maya occupied the same plazuelas for many generations. The structures would be rebuilt upon the platforms as needed and additional buildings were added as the household grew. This continued until the household reached a level where a split was necessary, either because the kinship ties were too far removed, or because the household’s agricultural fields were too strained or too far to be efficiently farmed by the further reaches of the plazuela. Researchers maintain that these plazuelas were occupied by the same families for up to 500 years or longer. One clue we have into occupation length is the dead which the family buried on site, which showed the many generations that passed through the household.
We see that the Maya people depended heavily upon household ties with family members, whether immediate or further removed. These ties supported the structure of Maya society by maintaining economic, social, and religious viability. Though at times vastly different from our own household makeup, we see that the Classic period Maya household and accompanying lifestyle made sense in the context of the environment and society in which they lived.
Bibliography
Chase, Diane Z., and Arlen F. Chase. 2004. “Archaeological Perspectives on Classic Maya Social Organization from Caracol, Belize”. Ancient Mesoamerica. Pp. 139-147. Cambridge University Press. New York, NY.
Gillespie, Susan D. 2000. “Rethinking Ancient Maya Social Organization: Replacing “Lineage” with “House”. American Anthropologist. 102(3):467-484. American Anthropological Association. Arlington, VA.
Hammond, Norman, Kate Pretty, and Frank P. Saul. 1975. “A Classic Maya Family Tomb”. World Archaeology. Pp. 57-78. Taylor & Francis, Ltd. London, England.
Hage, Per. 2003. “The Ancient Maya Kinship System”. Journal of Anthropological Research. Pp. 5-21. University of New Mexico. Albuquerque, NM.
Haviland, William A. 1972. “Family Size, Prehistoric Population Estimates, and the Ancient Maya”. American Antiquity. Pp. 135-139. Society for American Archaeology. Washington D.C.
Inomata, Takeshi, and Laura R. Stiver. 1998. “Floor Assemblages from Burned Structures at Aguateca, Guatemala: A Study of Classic Maya Households”. Journal of Field Archaeology. Pp. 431-452. Boston University. Boston, MA.
McKillop, Heather. 2006. The Ancient Maya: New Perspectives. W.W. Norton & Company, Inc. New York, NY.
Paine, Richard. Notes taken from lectures January 8- March 08, 2008. Anthropology 3321-1: The Classic Maya. Department of Anthropology, University of Utah. Salt Lake City, UT.
Sheets, Payson D. 2002. Before the Volcano Erupted: The Ancient Ceren Village in Central America. Pp. 5-6. University of Texas Press. Austin, TX.
